ABSTRACT
This article articulates
how and why feminist economists can move the quality
of life literature forward and help it become a solid
part of the social sciences rather than a subject whose
perceived value fluctuates with political winds. Readers
are challenged to consider and critique a proposed set
of expectations to clearly define the field and set
standards of excellence. Examples of this approach are
provided from the experiences of an economic research
firm striving to build on these guidelines in its work
with nonprofit and for-profit organizations that design,
fund, evaluate, and/or deliver programs that impact
quality of life.
KEYWORDS
Quality of life, socio-economic
measures, indicators, meta-analysis, empirical strategists
Any quality of life assessment
will include indicators of economic well-being. Therefore,
economists have much to offer the quality of life indicators
movement. This article articulates a strategy for integrating
economics into the quality of life literature in order
to enhance our understanding of the inherent interdependence
of social and economic conditions. In the United States
most social indicators have developed independently of
economic indicators. One mechanism for catapulting quality
of life studies into the mainstream of scholarly work
and public discourse is to bring economists and other
social scientists together to explore and enhance the
existing research on measuring quality of life. This type
of integration is integral to the feminist perspective
on economic thought and practice.
The article begins with a
discussion of how and why feminist economists can move
the quality of life literature forward so that it become
a solid part of the social sciences rather than a subject
whose perceived value fluctuates with political winds.
Toward this end, readers are challenged to consider and
critique a proposed set of strategies or expectations
to define clearly the field and set standards of excellence.
Examples of this approach are provided from the experiences
of a research firm striving to build on these guidelines
in its work with organizations that design, fund, evaluate
and/or deliver programs that impact quality of life.
Contributions of Feminist
Economists to the Literature
By publishing a special volume
on quality of life indicators, Feminist Economics is assuming
a leadership role in the developing field of economic
indicators to measure quality of life. This effort is
appropriate because, in the United States and perhaps
elsewhere, economic indicators have historically served
as national benchmarks of health, stability, and growth.
Our well-being is monitored by such data streams as the
daily Dow Jones Industrial Average, monthly unemployment
figures, and quarterly statistics on gross domestic product
and commerce.
Therefore, one way to introduce
new measures of well-being is through national systems
of accounting designed by economists. A primary reason
that alternative measures of socio-economic well-being
of the nation have not taken hold is because there is
no constituency that demands such estimates on a regular
basis. In contrast, traditional economic measures are
regularly used by business people, bankers, hedgers, and
speculators. Some say if the government did not pay for
and provide these statistics, they would be created and
updated on a regular basis by the private sector as evidenced
by the advent of secondary financial and business indicators.
Out of this observation comes
my first recommendation for feminist economists interested
in contributing to the international quality of life literature.
For this effort to move forward and take hold, we need
to identify both a constituency that believes such information
is vitally important to a nation and a willing benefactor
to pay for this research, which can be expensive. The
constituents and benefactors may be one and the same.
When presenting our work
to potential constituents, we can articulate how quality
of life indicators differ from extant socio-economic data
of which there is an abundance. The quality of life literature
is much narrower in scope, theory, methodology and conceptual
frame than established economic fields of study (e.g.,
public welfare, poverty). Scholars are seeking new, inventive
ways to articulate and/or describe well-being. Thus, it
is important that the economics profession not overpower
the quality of life literature with our way of thinking.
We offer only a piece of the bigger picture on the human
condition, albeit an important piece.
Another reason for Feminist
Economics to pursue the study of socio-economic indicators
is the uniquely feminine approach to the subject. Some
scholars posit that empirical, verifiable, scientifically-based
economic statistics emanate from masculine-dominated disciplines
such as physics, mathematics, and economics. Human-based,
qualitative, process-driven, social statistics emanated
from female-dominated professions such as social work
and philanthropy. Carefully-crafted quality of life indicators
provide a middle-ground in which both hard and soft numbers
enter into the discussion simultaneously.
There is a danger, however,
and a risk assumed when we explore the deep issues surrounding
quality of life. The Welfare Reform Act of 1996 provides
an example from the political arena. Local indicators
projects are uncovering the direct and indirect effects
of the loss of the federal safety net for the poorest
of the poor whose quality of life is eroding. Too often
history demonstrates the temptation to walk away from
the painful truth revealed in well-crafted quality of
life indicators and hide behind traditional economic indicators,
which often tell another story. Thus a second recommendation
for feminist economists entering this field is to carefully
explore the outcomes of proposed research on quality of
life and build consensus on what is to be examined and
how the information will be used, well before the study
begins. Once the results are in, stand your ground and
not give way to forces advocating alterations of the findings.
Expectations for Economic
Research on Quality of Life
If the quality of life indicators
literature is to advance, add value to our knowledge about
the human condition, and take hold, my third recommendation
is that we adopt a set of strategies or expectations to
clearly define the field and set standards of excellence.
I propose that the test of this burgeoning literature
on quality of life be five-fold:
- First, that the literature acknowledges
and builds on existing knowledge not only from the economics
profession, but also from related social sciences that
examine elements that fall under the domain of economic
aspects of quality of life, such as income, employment,
poverty, and social mobility. Lets learn from
our predecessors in this field.
- Second, that the literature goes beyond
standard theoretical, methodological and empirical approaches
to measuring social-environmental-economic conditions
in an effort to include that which is currently unaccounted
for such as the household sector and non-market economies.
We do not need to reinvent the wheel and/or recycle
our articles in this new field of economic study. Rather,
scholars are expected to demonstrate the novelty and
value-added by their contributions.
- Third, that the expressed aim be to
make the invisible visible. Hence the literature favors
approaches that are creative, exploratory, inclusive,
even daring, idiosyncratic, experiential, and straight-forward.
We welcome meta-analysis that includes subjective measures
and indirect measures of well-being.
- Fourth, that the quality of life literature
must be applicable to real life and drawn from specific,
verifiable knowledge, experience, and data rather than
from abstract, unduly constrained models and assumptions
about life. Tangible outcomes of the research must be
evident.
- Fifth, that the approach be nonjudgmental,
whereby the indicators are not deemed good or bad by
the researchers, but rather are grounded in the human
experience of the user whatever that may be. Solid research
will allow the users to apply the information in order
to ascertain the degree to which quality of life has
improved or deteriorated over time.
This last expectation may
indeed prove to be the hardest for economists to grasp
because we have been trained to think in terms of "better
or worse" scenarios rather than to remove the subjective
valuations and simply provide meaningful, well-crafted
indicators for the user to implement and discern meaning
and value. Nowhere is this more evident than in the increases
in GDP, which for most economists is a positive sign.
However, for those whose quality of life has eroded in
recent years as the GDP rose in the United States (e.g.,
laid-off workers and nonstockholders), advances in GDP
are not to be heralded. As the saying goes, "Who
is to say that a life of enlightened poverty is inferior
to one of indolent wealth?"
Conclusion
Because of the inherent connection
between a persons quality of life and economic standing,
feminist economists have much to offer the burgeoning
field of quality of life indicators. They have an opening
to establish some expectations or strategies to both advance
the field and help it become an accepted part of the social
sciences.
The approach presented in
this article is currently being tested by a research firm
located sixty miles from Washington, DC, in the Blue Ridge
Mountains of the Harpers Ferry National Historical Park
in West Virginia, USA. The firm, FLYNN RESEARCH, is an
experienced group of empirical strategists that meets
the measurement and reporting needs of organizations that
plan, fund, evaluate and/or design programs that impact
quality of life. We do this by designing custom algorithms,
research methodologies, and tools to make information
meaningful, including innovative models, surveys, databases,
analyses, reports, and systems applications.
Our premise is that organizations
called upon to use the language of statisticians and economists
to describe their functions and contributions do not need
traditional statistics, but do need measures that help
make the invisible visible. Toward this end, we first
always consider ways to unbundle the information generated,
rather than develop indices that mask the underlying phenomena.
Life is too complex to be expressed in a single number.
Second, we combine measurement with an assessment of what
the statistics mean to the people being measured. Evaluation
research, in contrast, excludes any subjective valuation
or input from the observed. Third, we explicitly build
on humanistic values propounded by earlier generations
of relativist anthropologists, rather than ignoring the
values that drive any kind of measurement. In so doing,
we describe and portray through meta-analysis the subjective
lives of people from different cultures. Our greatest
service is to help groups develop a straightforward, yet
rigorous and analytical lexicon to articulate what is
important to them, which in the end almost always mirrors
their construct of quality of life.
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